Socialist Worker | issue 531 | June 2011
INTERNATIONAL
Through the process of driving out the dictator Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian revolution has connected political change with economic and social demands in which workers’ struggle is key.
For 30 years, the people of Egypt have lived under the repressive regime of Western-backed dictator Hosni Mubarak, who has used a vicious state apparatus to enforce neoliberal policies while propping up Israeli apartheid.
The revolution is a product of a decade of struggle: longstanding inspiration from Palestinian resistance, the 2003 movement against the Iraq War, the 2005 Kifayah movement against Mubarak, and the wave of strikes that began in 2006 in Mahalla.
The fusion of these political and economic struggles—sharpened by resistance to austerity—led to the first phase of the Egyptian revolution, the toppling of Mubarak. This political reform has raised the confidence to demand further social and economic change.
Through the process of revolution, the people of Egypt have overcome differences and radicalized.
Women played a leading role in the revolt, unity was built between Muslims and Coptic Christians, andthere has been a blossoming of culture. Egyptians can now openly debate politics, and you can’t walk through Cairo without seeing posters and graffiti featuring crosses and crescents together.
Strikes
Workers’ strikes played a key role in finally driving Mubarak from power and since his departure more than 150 trade unions have emerged—from gas station workers, to hospital workers, to postal workers.
But the same economic crisis that contributed to the revolution is driving a wedge between political reforms gained and the social and economic demands that have yet to be realized.
One of the central demands of the Egyptian revolution is to raise the minimum wage to 1200 Egyptian pounds (LE), but even when the military regime raised it to only 700LE the stock market panicked.
The West is unable to intervene militarily but is trying to intervene economically with “financial aid” that proposes further austerity. But with Europe itself in crisis, the funds available are relatively small.
While posing as the protector of the revolution, the military regime is undermining it by consciously attacking the strength and unity on which it depends, and courting political parties to do so. One of the regime’s first acts was to ban strikes, and since then it has overseen attacks on a women’s rights march and the burning of a Coptic church.
The leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood is playing into these divisions in its quest to achieve power, using religious language as a cover to support neoliberalism and call off demonstrations. But many of its members, particularly the youth, were radicalized by the revolution and continue to mobilize for demonstrations and unions despite the leadership.
Doctors’ fight
In this context, workers’ struggles are key to counter divisions and push the revolution forward. For example, Egyptian doctors (who earn less than $3/day) are striking for better health care and higher wages for all workers—exposing the reactionary military regime—and joining independent trade unions that unite all hospital workers, men and women, Muslim and Christian.
Meanwhile a workers’ party is emerging to connect economic struggle to further political demands.
Inspired by the Egyptian revolution, we can show support through international solidarity with workers struggles, and by bringing the Arab spring to Canada. As an Egyptian activist said recently, “if you’re inspired by our Arab revolutions, do as we did. You need one, I know you need one. And we need you to do one. It’s not just an Arab spring, it is a world spring”.