INTERNATIONAL

Syrian protesters resist violence and repression

by Peter Hogarth

Syria’s movement for freedom and democracy continues to resist widespread state repression. Protesters have reported that military helicopters have been deployed by the regime, shooting at random at people in the streets.

As calls grow for the removal of Syrian President Bashar al Assad, the movement also faces the threat of sectarian divisions fuelled by foreign intervention. These challenges are serious, but they should not be used to undermine the popular movement to topple the regime.

Like their counter-parts in other Arab states, Syrian protesters have directed their rage at an intolerably harsh police state: the decades-long Ba’ath Party dictatorship and a tiny business elite dominated by the Assad Family. High unemployment among youth, low wages, rising inflation and the effects of economic stagnation continue to impoverish Syrian workers and the poor. Syria’s industrial sector has been kept afloat by a state-capitalist oligarchy led by Assad, but his rule has been marked by rampant corruption.

The vast majority of the population is Sunni, while most of the ruling class are Alawites, a branch of Shia Islam. There have been some attempts to mobilize opposition to the regime based on this division. The US and its allies have likewise tried to exploit the situation, backing the most reactionary elements with money and guns. This kind of interference is nothing new, however, as imperialist forces scramble to contain popular movements right across the region.

Despite its claims for support for democracy, Israel appears to want the regime to survive in the same way that it backed Mubarak—all in the name of “stability.” In addition, Israel is desperate to stop the Arab Spring from spilling across its borders and spreading among Palestinians. On June 6, Israeli snipers killed 20 unarmed Palestinian refugees who came close to the Israeli border in the occupied Golan Heights.

Across the Arab world, repressive regimes have sided with Syria’s embattled government, not because they oppose US imperialism (they don’t, since many back US interests and accept US aid), but because they fear the growth of the Arab Spring, which threatens their own grip on power. At a meeting of the UN Human Rights Council to condemn Syria, Bahrain and Jordan refused to show up, while Saudi Arabia and Egypt insisted on a watered-down resolution. Bahrain continues to attack its own people with Saudi troops, while Egypt’s military regime is trying to roll back the revolution.

This explains the lack of overt military intervention so far. Although Saudi Arabia has backed exiled Syrian leaders against the regime, it has tried to do it behind the scenes—an attempt to weaken links among Iran, Syria and Hizbollah in Lebanon. For its part, the US has sharply criticized Assad—hypocritically, given its firm support for repressive regimes elsewhere—but is unable to intervene as it has in Libya.

This terrain poses many risks for Syria’s movement, a genuine popular uprising inspired by events across the region. So far, it has kept its focus on toppling the Assad regime, while condemning the interference of imperialist forces that seek to co-opt the movement. Syrian protesters rightly worry about the embrace of NATO forces by the leadership of the National Transitional Council in Libya, as well as Saudi attempts to exploit the Syrian uprising to mitigate the loss of Egypt as a reliable ally.

These challenges mean Syria’s movement needs real solidarity from anti-imperialist and pro-democracy allies across the region and around the world. Although the threats of sectarian divisions and foreign interference are serious, they should never be used as an excuse to stifle the movement against Assad or the genuine aspirations of the Syrian people. If the movement successfully topples the regime, while resisting the influence of the US and its clients, the struggles for democracy and against imperialism will be strengthened.